From the rooftop of a mosque in the Cairo district of Nasr City , I watched as thousands of supporters of deposed Egyptian President Mohamed Morsy frantically waved posters and chanted angrily .

Moments before they heard that the man who , just a year ago , had been declared Egypt 's first ever democratically elected president had been ousted .

The people who had jammed into Tahrir Square on June 30 , 2012 to celebrate his inauguration were shocked and enraged .

When long-serving President Hosni Mubarak was toppled from power two and a half years ago , it was the beginning , not the end , of a revolution that has yet to run its course .

Prior to 2011 , the presumption among many Egyptians and foreign observers alike was that the long-suffering people of Egypt had an almost bottomless reserve of patience , that as long as they could feed their families , they would put up with whoever was in power .

The uprising that banished Mubarak unleashed energy and a passion that shows no sign of diminishing . If Morsy thought his election victory a year ago , in which he won 51.7 % of the vote , was a mandate , he was sorely mistaken .

But Morsy 's head never lay steady atop the state . The police never trusted him -- nor did Christians . The army was suspicious and the business community dubious . Many voted for Morsy simply because they saw him as the lesser of two evils , running against former Mubarak stalwart Ahmed Shafiq .

One activist I spoke to , who only gave his name as Abdel Hadi , compared the two candidates during the presidential elections .

`` You have two drugs , '' he told me . `` One , Ahmed Shafiq kills you , and the other , Morsy , gives you a bad stomach ache . They 're both bad , but Morsy 's drug is light . It does n't kill you . So we 'll give Morsy four years . If he does n't work out , we 'll come back to Tahrir and bring him down . ''

Abdel Hadi 's words , spoken in June 2012 , were prophetic .

Analysis : What is Muslim Brotherhood ?

The night before the massive anti-Morsy demonstrations on June 30 , in a packed Tahrir Square , I found people already convinced their president of just one year was soon to be history .

`` He 's out , he 's over , he 's finished , '' one man shouted to me .

`` We 've gone downhill all the way in that year , economically , security wise , '' said Abdal Rahman , a businessman . `` It 's over . They 've split Egypt in two , Islamists and non-Islamists . We 're all Muslims and we 're all believers . Our conflict was a political conflict . They 're switched it to a religious conflict . ''

Many Egyptians were deeply offended that Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood put their identity as Muslims before their identity as Egyptians . This is a country profoundly proud of its rich heritage , and quick to take offense at those who seem to disregard its place in history .

Last November , many were appalled when a Muslim radical , Morgan Al-Gohary , appeared on talk show on a private TV channel and declared if he and his ilk ever came to power they would destroy some of Egypt 's most revered monuments . During the program , he claimed he took part in the demolition of Afghanistan 's Bamiyan Buddha statues in March 2001 .

The show 's host , Wael Al-Abrashi asked , `` So you would destroy the sphinx and the pyramids ? ''

Al-Gohary : `` Yes , we will destroy them , if they were worshiped before or afterwards . ''

One guest , clearly repulsed , told Al-Gohary , `` You do n't know the history of your country well . The pharaohs were the first to know religion in the world . '' The Sphinx and the pyramids , he continued , `` are mankind 's heritage and not the property of the Egyptians alone , they are the property of all mankind . ''

Although neither Morsy , nor the Brotherhood , ever advocated such a course of action , many questioned their intentions and accused the Brotherhood of harboring barely concealed intent to turn Egypt into a Taliban-style Islamic state .

That was an intangible complaint . Others were more blatant . The economy withered under Morsy , as Egyptians suffered through frequent and prolonged power cuts and fumed in long lines outside petrol stations . Morsy 's promises of prosperity and security never materialized . So the people mobilized .

The country 's powerful army , responding to the millions in the street , forced Morsy from power on the evening of July 3 .

But in the brave , new Egypt , no one gives up without a fight . The celebrations in Tahrir were mirrored by angry demonstrations outside Cairo Univeristy and in Nasr City .

`` No one is going to take our vote , '' a woman shouted to me in front of the university .

`` These are legitimate elections , '' exclaimed her husband . `` All the people have approved his legitimacy . He is our legitimate president . How can he -LSB- Defense Minister Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi -RSB- take this from us ? ''

Morsy 's sudden transformation , from president of the Arab Republic of Egypt , to prisoner , reminded me of something newspaper editor Hani Shukrallah had told me just one year before , on the eve of Morsy 's victory .

Egyptians , he said , now `` have a sense of their own rights . They have a sense of their personal dignity . They perceive themselves as citizens and this is something that is new for an old guy like me . They look at the state as their servant and not their master . ''

Morsy , their servant , did a bad job so they fired him .

The real revolution in Egypt is not in the streets . It 's in the mind .

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Wedeman : President Mubarak 's removal marked start of revolution yet to run its course

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Uprising unleashed energy and a passion that shows no sign of diminishing

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For many President Morsy failed to deliver on promises so he had to go

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Journalist : Egyptians now look at the state as their servant and not their master